Myanmar monks chant "democracy," soldiers move in

Over ten thousand monks, joined by thousands of bystanders, march to the city center of Yangon in a anti-government protest September 25, 2007. (REUTERS/Stringer)

By Aung Hla Tun | September 25, 2007

YANGON (Reuters) - Chanting "democracy, democracy," 10,000 monks marched through the heart of Myanmar's main city on Tuesday in defiance of a threat by the ruling generals to send in troops to end the biggest anti-junta protests in nearly 20 years.

The streets were lined with people clapping and cheering and there were no overt signs of police or soldiers and no trouble as the campaign against 45 years of military rule swelled in size and scope.

But after the demonstrators left the area around the Sule Pagoda in central Yangon, the focus of a week of marches by the revered maroon-robed monks, riot police and troops moved in.

Eight trucks arrived with police carrying shields, batons and rifles, a Reuters witness said. Eleven army trucks packed with soldiers also drove in, suggesting the junta was filling up the city centre to counter any attempt at a repeat.

In another possible sign of looming confrontation, a well-placed source said detained democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi was moved to the notorious Insein prison on Sunday, a day after she appeared in front of her house to greet monks.

If true, removing Suu Kyi from her lakeside villa would deprive the protesters of a focus after they were stunned by police allowing them through the barricades sealing off her street on Saturday.

They have not been allowed through since despite several attempts and scores of riot police took up positions behind razor-wire barricades at the entrance to the street.

REMINDER OF '88

The area around the Sule pagoda was the scene of the worst bloodshed during a crackdown on nationwide pro-democracy protests in 1988 in which 3,000 people are thought to have been killed.

In an ominous reminder of that, vehicles bearing loudspeakers toured the city in the morning blaring out threats of action under a law allowing troops to break up illegal protests.

"People are not to follow, encourage or take part in these marches. Action will be taken against those who violate this order," the broadcasts said.

People arrived in huge numbers anyway a day after up to 100,000 people protested in Yangon and in Taunggok, a coastal city 250 miles (400) to the northwest, about 40,000 monks and civilians took to the streets, witnesses said.

"The people are not afraid," one man said as the Yangon column of monks stretched several blocks on their march from the Shwedagon Pagoda, the Southeast Asian nation's holiest shrine and symbolic heart of the campaign.

In a gesture of defiance, some waved the bright red "fighting peacock" flag, emblem of the student unions that spearheaded a the 1988 uprising, one the darkest episodes in the former Burma's modern history.

INTERNATIONAL PLEAS

The international community has pleaded with the generals to avoid another bloodbath, but the chilling message behind the legal language of Tuesday's warnings was lost on nobody in the city of 5 million people.

Far away in their new jungle capital, the generals hunkered down for an emergency "War Office" meeting, a diplomat said, and ethnic Karen rebels on the Thai border told Reuters troops of the 22nd Division had been redeployed to Yangon.

The 22nd Division played a major role in the 1988 carnage and the report lent weight to threats against senior monks issued by Religious Affairs Minister Brigadier-General Thura Myint Maung.

State radio quoted him as saying action would be taken against senior monks if they did not control their charges in protests he said were fomented by political extremists.

That triggered anxiety around the world.

"The regime has a long history of violent reactions to peaceful demonstrations," Gareth Evans, head of the International Crisis Group think-tank, said in a statement.

"If serious loss of life is to be averted, those U.N. members with influence over the government are going to have to come together fast," he said in reference to China, Russia and India.

China, the closest the junta has to a friend, had been making an effort recently to let the generals know how worried the international community was, a Beijing-based diplomat said.

On Tuesday, Beijing said it "certainly hopes Myanmar can maintain stability and resolve the issue in its own way," but left it unclear clear what kind of diplomatic pressure it was exerting on the generals behind the scenes.

One of the world's most isolated regimes, the junta has seldom listened to the opinions of others.

BUSH TO ANNOUNCE SANCTIONS

Others urged the generals to address the grievances of Myanmar's 56 million people who, in the past 50 years, have watched their country go from being one of Asia's brightest prospects to one of its most desperate.

U.S. President George W. Bush was to announce new sanctions and call for support for political change in a speech at the United Nations on Tuesday. British Prime Minister Gordon Brown urged the European Union to impose tighter sanctions.

U.N. special envoy Ibrahim Gambari said he was praying the generals opted for compromise and dialogue with the monks and opposition party of Suu Kyi rather than sending in the troops.

"For the sake of the people of Myanmar, for the sake of neighboring countries and for the sake of Myanmar's place in the world, we certainly hope that the same reaction that took place in 1988 will not be the case now," he told CNN.

Myanmar's media in exile

By Barnaby Phillips in Oslo, Norway

The Democratic Voice of Burma has become an information lifeline for millions in Myanmar As the strongest show of dissent in nearly 20 years unfolds in Myanmar, people inside and outside of the country are more desperate than ever for reliable information on what is happening there. With the military government's tight control on reporting, many listen avidly to overseas broadcasters - effectively Myanmar's media in exile, operating from several countries in Asia and Europe. One of the most influential is the Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB), run by a small group of journalists based in Oslo, Norway. Risks DVB has stepped up its radio and TV and broadcasts as the protests have grown The founders of DVB and most of the team members are dissidents who fled Myanmar's military rule almost two decades ago. These are busy times at DVB, with undercover reporters ringing in from home and listeners calling from all over the world to offer or ask for the latest information on the increasingly tense situation in Myanmar. Aye Chan Naing, the editor who oversees DVB's operations, was a student leader during the 1988 protests that were brutally crushed by the military. He knows his reporters on the ground are taking enormous risks. "They of course all are undercover," he told Al Jazeera. "They are now hiding in different places… they don't sleep in their home. "When the demonstrators come out in the day time, they all come out and film or report back to us." More airtime Myanmar protests Protest timeline Myanmar who's who Video: Life under military rule As the situation in Myanmar turns critical, the journalists at DVB have stepped up their output, adding extra hours to regular programming to meet the increasing demand for news. They have gone from two hours of radio broadcasts a day to nine, and they are broadcasting more television using videotapes smuggled out of Myanmar. Besides reporting on current affairs from the inside, DVB also works on feature stories such as the growth of gambling amongst children in Myanmar, a sensitive issue for the military government. Given their wide reach, DVB has been receiving a lot of pictures of the ongoing demonstrations from a wide range of sources. Defining moment Aye Chan Naing says reporters take huge risks to get stories to air These pictures are watched by an eager audience in Myanmar and many are picked up and rebroadcast by international news organisations. Aye Chan Naing says it what is unfolding that could prove to be a defining moment for the country. "Right now I think it's a critical situation. It could lead to the fall of the military regime in Burma, or it could lead to a major bloodshed in Burma." Although the team claims the objective was not to help overthrow the military government, their support for opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, currently under house arrest, is obvious. Ultimately, their dream is to broadcast from Myanmar, which also means they can end their exile and return home.

Monks brace for crackdown

25.9.2007. 17:22:18

Burma officials in Rangoon have used loudspeakers to warn against new anti-junta protests, a day after Buddhist monks led 100,000 people in the streets.

Fears of a repeat of 1988's bloody crackdown by Burma's ruling generals grew today after the junta threatened action against monks at the centre of the demonstrations.

"We warn the monks and the people not to participate in protest marches," local government officials shouted into loudspeakers from at least two trucks circling around the nation's commercial hub.

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"We will take action under the existing law," they warned, echoing threats carried in state media since late yesterday.

More protests are expected today, again led by the monks whose revered status has made them rallying figures for public anger that erupted more than one month ago after a crippling hike in fuel prices.

Warnings

Earlier today, Burma's state media warned monks to end their protests and stay out of politics, and accused foreign media of fuelling the unrest.

"All the members of the Sangha (clergy) residing in the Union of Myanmar (Burma) are directed to avoid getting involved in party politics and instigation," the official New Light of Myanmar said.

The warnings in the newspaper, a government mouthpiece, echoed threats of a crackdown carried on state television late yesterday.

State media reported that protests had taken place in seven of the nation's 14 provinces, and accused foreign media of instigating the marches.

"Some foreign media telecasting the protests aim to cause unrest in Myanmar," the paper said.

'Soldiers ready for crackdown’

The Burma Campaign UK said its sources in Burma's main city Rangoon had reported soldiers being ordered to shave their heads in possible preparation for infiltrating the massed ranks of Buddhist monks marching for an end to 45 years of unbroken military rule.

The London-based activist group said the junta had also ordered 3,000 maroon monastic robes, again with the probable intention of having soldiers masquerade as monks to stir up trouble and create a pretext for a crackdown.

In 1988, the last time the Southeast Asian nation's people took to the streets in the tens of thousands, agents provocateurs were seen stirring up the crowds, thereby giving the military the excuse to come in and restore order.

As many as 3,000 people are thought to have been killed.

Arrests

Although more than 150 people have been arrested since August 19 in protests initially against shock fuel price rises, there was no sign of any soldiers or security forces during yesterday's massive monk-led demonstrations in central Rangoon.

Australian Burmese community

Australia's Burmese community says it's only a matter of time before protests by Buddhist monks and civilians in the Burmese city of Rangoon turn bloody.

Australia Burma Council spokesperson Dr Myint Cho said the situation could escalate if the ruling military tried to provoke an aggressive response from the protesting civilians and monks, which it has been known to do.

"The military regime has always used force to crack down," he said.

"This time I really worry about the possible crackdown in the near future," he said.

Downer warns of brutal suppression

Foreign Minister Alexander Downer also warned the protests could turn violent.

"There's a risk that they'll move against the (protest) leaders and subject them to very harsh treatment," Mr Downer told reporters at the UN summit on climate in New York.

Bush plans to pressure Myanmar

The president is to toughen U.S. sanctions on the nation's military leaders to show support for a growing democracy movement.

By James Gerstenzang, Los Angeles Times Staff Writer
September 25, 2007

NEW YORK -- In a show of support for anti-government protesters in Myanmar, President Bush plans to announce toughened sanctions today to build on U.S. pressure against the military government there, his national security advisor said.

Bush plans to use a speech at the U.N. General Assembly to outline the new efforts to force the military rulers to accede to the demands of the democracy movement in the Southeast Asian nation, Stephen Hadley said.

The U.S. sanctions will include efforts to limit travel and financial transactions by key Myanmar government members and their families. Those steps will be a concrete element in a broader speech in which Bush will advance general arguments in favor of human rights. In particular, Bush will seek to promote greater access to education, health care and nutrition in underdeveloped regions, White House officials said.

The president began a three-day visit to New York on Monday for the meeting of the General Assembly, which is beginning its 63rd annual session today. He met privately at the Waldorf- Astoria Hotel with Mahmoud Abbas, president of the Palestinian Authority, and Tony Blair, the former British prime minister who now represents the quartet -- the United States, Russia, the United Nations and the European Union -- seeking to bring about a broad peace agreement between the Palestinians and Israel.

As previewed by White House officials, the General Assembly speech today will veer away from the themes of terrorism and war that were the foundation of Bush's first speeches at the U.N.

He was likely to turn to elements of foreign policy that carry less of an edge while still encouraging the spread of democracy and the fight against tyranny, officials indicated.

Unfriendly political world

The shift in tone comes at a time when Bush is struggling in a political world grown increasingly unfriendly, both at home and abroad.

It was at the U.N. last year that Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez -- never a friend of Bush -- likened the American president to a visitor from the underworld, saying, "The devil came here yesterday, and it smells of sulfur still today."

But even international allies are growing skittish. Britain, under new Prime Minister Gordon Brown, hopes to scale down its commitment of troops in Iraq. And at home, notwithstanding the Democrats' inability to force Bush's hand in Iraq, there are few signs that public opposition to the war is weakening.

White House Press Secretary Dana Perino said Bush would focus on the U.N.'s responsibility "to address immediate human needs."

Perino said Bush would outline an agenda covering four broad areas: tyranny and violence, hunger and disease, illiteracy and ignorance, and poverty and despair. She said Bush would tell the General Assembly that regardless of differences on other issues, "these are areas where they can all agree and we can all work together."

But the president's history of laying out a hard line and challenging the U.N. to join him frequently has left him searching for friends in an organization that has been described with scorn by the White House.

By contrast, the call for cooperation on a humanitarian agenda "certainly is a stronger message for a U.S. president than challenging the relevance of the United Nations," said P.J. Crowley, a senior fellow and the director for homeland security at the liberal Center for American Progress in Washington.

"But there is so much water under the bridge between the president and the institution," said Crowley, who as an Air Force officer was a spokesman for the National Security Council during the Clinton administration. He suggested that the war in Iraq would cast doubt on the president's sincerity in promoting humanitarian goals.

Myanmar concerns

The stepped-up pressure on Myanmar, also known as Burma, reflects a trend within the administration that began even before the new street protests there. The president's wife, Laura, has expressed her concerns both behind the scenes and in press interviews.

The U.S. and Western allies imposed a first set of sanctions in 2003, banning imports and freezing assets of government officials. Hadley, speaking with reporters aboard Air Force One as Bush flew to New York, said the additional sanctions would be aimed at key members of the regime "and those that provide financial support to them," and would encourage the U.N. and individual countries to support political change there.

On Monday, nearly a week of protests in Myanmar spread to several cities, with tens of thousands of demonstrators joining Buddhist monks on the streets of the country's biggest city, Yangon, also known as Rangoon. Residents of Sittwe said that all 100,000 who live there joined the protest, the Reuters news agency reported.

Several hundred monks marched into a pagoda today, despite warnings that military action might be taken against protesters, the agency said.

Noting the monks' role, Hadley said the administration hoped to combine internal and external pressure "to try and force the regime into a change," leading to the release of political prisoners and an evolution toward democracy.

He said Bush was unlikely to be specific about the sanctions, "so that people don't, quite frankly, hide their assets before the sanctions come into force."

james.gerstenzang @latimes.com

Burma protests echo apartheid - Tutu

From correspondents in Cape Town
September 25, 2007 06:49pm

THE mass protests in Burma are an echo of the campaign against apartheid in South Africa and will inevitably topple the ruling junta, Nobel laureate Desmond Tutu said today.

The former archbishop of Cape Town, who won the 1994 peace prize for leading peaceful protests against the all-white regime in his homeland, said the Buddhist monks who had taken to the streets in Burma had shown great courage.

“The courage of the people of Myanmar (Burma) is amazing and now they have been joined by their holy men. It is so like the rolling mass action that eventually toppled apartheid,” Tutu said.

“We admire our brave sisters and brothers in Myanmar and want them to know that we support their peaceful protests to end a vicious rule of oppression and injustice.”

Tutu said the UN and international community should pressure the military rulers in Burma, also known as Myanmar, to engage with all key players in a process which would lead to genuine democracy and the release of fellow Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, who has spent most of the past 18 years under house arrest.

“God bless all those wonderful brave people. Victory is assured. They are on the winning side, the side of freedom, justice and democracy,” Tutu said.

Junta must begin talking instead of shooting

(Commentary) By May Ng

After bringing down heavenly wrath and facing the possibility of eternal damnation, it is certainly time for the Myanmar military to think and speak before resorting to violence against their political opponents.

According to an Afghan soldier, the first rule he learnt about democracy was to ask questions before shooting and he said that it was the hardest of all.

As Ko Moe Thee Zun, a student leader in exile often warns, junta's favourite old tactics of using thugs and monk imposters to stir up trouble in preludes to army crackdowns, will be useless against people this time in the face of overwhelming public distrust of the government.

The military must realize that unlike in 1988, the whole world is now watching. If the junta unleashes violence now, it will guarantee the beginning of the end of the Tatmadaw. The military has used violence and coercion since 1988 to subdue the political opposition and each time it inflames the passion for resistance even more.

As Ko Ko Gi has forewarned, the people to no longer fear the army.

Once the army starts shooting, it will begin the final chapter of tragedy for Myanmar and the Tatmadaw. China, India, Thailand and Russia will all profit but every Burmese including the military will suffer.

The military shoots because it feels threatened by the massive crowds and the soldiers are taught to defend the country against the enemies as the junta has defined for them.

Therefore it is time for the military to re-examine the definition of its country, people, and enemies.

On being released from prison in 2004, Min Ko Naing, the prominent student leader said that it is time to put reason ahead of passion to end Burma's tragedy.

To avoid the same tragedy like the 1988 bloody crackdown, the army must find courage to reason with the people instead of giving into fear and start shooting.

As the NLD, ethnic leaders and student leaders have all said before, Burma's future rests on a genuine, democratic, and peaceful national reconciliation.

Burma needs politicians as well as the military for democratization, rebuilding and national reconciliation.

To understand the role of the military in a new democratic government, the generals as well as the opposition must learn one final equation.

The political economist Robert D. Cooper wrote:

In a political game of "pure conflict" of distribution of wealth, one player's win is another's loss. And wins and losses sum to zero. In a zero-sum game of pure conflict everyone is an enemy because one person's gains can only come through another's losses.

But in another political game of pure coordination, of production of wealth, the interests of different players converge perfectly and the best plan for anyone is the best plan for everyone.

Robert Cooper said that, "in reality politics is a bargaining game with a productive, creative dimension." Instead of a pure win or loss political game, the future of Burma can be one government of coordination where different opinions and dynamic forces play out peacefully in the open, without having to fear each other. He said that instead of eliminating threats, democracy limits them.

The military junta must allow an immediate visit by the UN envoy Ibrahim Gambari and use the opportunity to begin a legitimate national reconciliation process.

The military must begin to release all political leaders, including ethnic politicians and student leaders. The military must start a dialogue with Aung San Suu Kyi right away.

At the same time political, ethnic, students and religious leaders must all begin preparing for any possible outcome, to avoid the same mistake as in 1988, when the leaders of the uprising were caught unprepared and were not able to organize and take control of the government.

The present leaders of the opposition from many levels inside Burma and in exile must start talking. The United Nations with the support from United States and China must get ready to start providing expert assistance on political mediations and guidance on all-inclusive democratic political process, with the cooperation from the military government.

No doubt, only history will tell what lies ahead, but as Charles Tilly said in Trust and Rule that, "a certain level of trust is a necessary condition for democracy."

He explained that only when the citizens perceive the government to be trustworthy they will comply with costly demands from their government. The information confirming government's trustworthiness and compliance of other citizens contributes to the mass behavior of the people.

The army has controlled the people in Burma since 1962 by limiting their contacts with each other and the outside world and by minimizing information available to them.

The communication technology is finally severing the cord that kept the Burmese people in chain.

According to Tilly, armed with this advantage, even if we are likely to witness more of the same in the short term, optimists can also expect incremental democratization and erosion of inequality, injustice, and oppression even if not eliminating them altogether.

He said that the future will be the people to make.

As the monks are ushering in a new dawn with their chants of heavenly loving kindness the Burmese people must move beyond zero-sum game of political conflict to zero-sum loss of lives with a new game of political coordination; and finally raise their palms to Burma's bold and proud sons of Sangha and offer a new prayer for Burma.

May Ng is a proud daughter of Burma from the Southern Shan State and a member of Justice for Human Rights in Burma. She is an independent political writer.

China holding regime in check

THE Burmese military regime's unusual restraint in confronting the biggest and most widespread demonstrations against its rule for more than two decades is being attributed to the influence of its chief ally, China.

In the run-up to its crucial five-yearly Communist Party Congress in October and the Beijing Olympics next year, China is determined to demonstrate it is a responsible international citizen focused on global stability and does not wish to be viewed as a sponsor of dictatorships.

China has also developed close relationships with other members of the Association of South East Asian Nations, which has started losing patience with the recalcitrance of the Burmese generals, who seized power 17 years ago.

The strategic relationship with Burma has become crucial for China, providing it with potential access to ports on the Indian Ocean and easier links to the oil supplies from the Middle East and Africa.

China does not wish to see Burma's regime further isolated by a brutal response to the protests, which would cast a shadow over its own relations with the rest of the region.

As a Southeast Asian diplomat said yesterday: "The Myanmar government is tolerating the protesters and not taking any action against the monks because of pressure from China. Everyone knows that China is the major supporter of the junta so if (the) government takes any action, it will affect the image of China."

China's Tang Jiaxuan, a former foreign minister often used as a personal envoy by President Hu Jintao, told special Burmese envoy U Nyan Win on September 13: "China wholeheartedly hopes that Myanmar (Burma) will push forward a democracy process that is appropriate for the country."

That the state newsagency Xinhua circulated Mr Tang's comments reinforces their strength. He said that China "as a friendly neighbour sincerely hopes Myanmar will restore internal stability as soon as possible, properly handle issues and actively promote national reconciliation".

This, he said, was "conducive to regional peace, stability and development".

The strength of China's opposition to heavy-handed military action is reinforced by its own rueful awareness of the continuing overhang from the Tiananmen massacre in 1989, and by the extent to which the protests in Burma have been against the fast-growing presence of China there, as well as against the regime. Such anti-Chinese sentiments would be reinforced by brutal suppression.

China holding regime in check

THE Burmese military regime's unusual restraint in confronting the biggest and most widespread demonstrations against its rule for more than two decades is being attributed to the influence of its chief ally, China.

In the run-up to its crucial five-yearly Communist Party Congress in October and the Beijing Olympics next year, China is determined to demonstrate it is a responsible international citizen focused on global stability and does not wish to be viewed as a sponsor of dictatorships.

China has also developed close relationships with other members of the Association of South East Asian Nations, which has started losing patience with the recalcitrance of the Burmese generals, who seized power 17 years ago.

The strategic relationship with Burma has become crucial for China, providing it with potential access to ports on the Indian Ocean and easier links to the oil supplies from the Middle East and Africa.

China does not wish to see Burma's regime further isolated by a brutal response to the protests, which would cast a shadow over its own relations with the rest of the region.

As a Southeast Asian diplomat said yesterday: "The Myanmar government is tolerating the protesters and not taking any action against the monks because of pressure from China. Everyone knows that China is the major supporter of the junta so if (the) government takes any action, it will affect the image of China."

China's Tang Jiaxuan, a former foreign minister often used as a personal envoy by President Hu Jintao, told special Burmese envoy U Nyan Win on September 13: "China wholeheartedly hopes that Myanmar (Burma) will push forward a democracy process that is appropriate for the country."

That the state newsagency Xinhua circulated Mr Tang's comments reinforces their strength. He said that China "as a friendly neighbour sincerely hopes Myanmar will restore internal stability as soon as possible, properly handle issues and actively promote national reconciliation".

This, he said, was "conducive to regional peace, stability and development".

The strength of China's opposition to heavy-handed military action is reinforced by its own rueful awareness of the continuing overhang from the Tiananmen massacre in 1989, and by the extent to which the protests in Burma have been against the fast-growing presence of China there, as well as against the regime. Such anti-Chinese sentiments would be reinforced by brutal suppression.

Malaysian lawmakers urge ASEAN to support Myanmar protesters

Agence France-Presse
Last updated 08:38pm (Mla time) 09/24/2007

KUALA LUMPUR -- Malaysian lawmakers Monday called on Southeast Asian nations to support the aspirations of Myanmar's people for democracy, but warned violence was likely as protests mounted in Yangon.

"I'm pleasantly surprised at the tenacity, not only of the monks but of the civilian population in Burma," said Zaid Ibrahim, president of the ASEAN Inter-Parliamentary Caucus, using the country's former name.

"For a long time we thought that the opposition group was very weak and not very organized, so obviously this has dispelled that notion. I think there is a groundswell that has emerged," he told Agence France-Presse.

Zaid, a member of Malaysia's ruling party and part of the caucus formed in 2004 to push for democratic reform in Myanmar, said the 10-nation Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) must heed this call for change.

"On the part of ASEAN governments I hope this time they will be more resilient, more serious in their efforts to see change in Burma," he said.

"They should use all their diplomacy and power and influence to pressure the regime."

Zaid said he was sure that although the regime has until now done nothing to halt a week of street protests led by Buddhist monks who are revered in Myanmar, it would eventually "hit back" and that lives would be lost.

"I would expect some severe reprisals and crackdowns and more brutality from the regime. I think this is inevitable and I think the people of Burma know of this and I hope they will not be deterred by it."

Malaysia's opposition leader Lim Kit Siang also called on Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi to "articulate the aspirations of the ASEAN people for national reconciliation, democracy and human rights.”

Lim also said the protests, which drew more than 100,000 people out onto the streets Monday, had triggered fears of a repeat of 1988 when the last democracy uprising was crushed by the military, leaving thousands dead.

"This is the time for ASEAN government leaders, together with the support of China and India, to engage and impress on the Myanmar military junta not to resort to violence but to turn it into an opportunity to resolve the present crisis," he said in a statement.